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Of this numerous group the best known were John D. Huntington , Henry Villard , and James J. The period was notable also for the wide geographic distribution of industry. The Eastern Seaboard from Massachusetts to Pennsylvania continued to be the most heavily industrialized section of the United States, but there was a substantial development of manufacturing in the states adjacent to the Great Lakes and in certain sections of the South.

The experience of the steel industry reflected this new pattern of diffusion. Two-thirds of the iron and steel industry was concentrated in the area of western Pennsylvania and eastern Ohio. After , however, the development of iron mines in northern Minnesota the Vermilion Range in and the Mesabi Range in and in Tennessee and northern Alabama was followed by the expansion of the iron and steel industry in the Chicago area and by the establishment of steel mills in northern Alabama and in Tennessee.

Most manufacturing in the Midwest was in enterprises closely associated with agriculture and represented expansion of industries that had first been established before Meat-packing, which in the years after became one of the major industries of the nation in terms of the value of its products, was almost a Midwestern monopoly, with a large part of the industry concentrated in Chicago.

Flour milling, brewing, and the manufacture of farm machinery and lumber products were other important Midwestern industries.

The industrial invasion of the South was spearheaded by textiles. Cotton mills became the symbol of the New South, and mills and mill towns sprang up in the Piedmont region from Virginia to Georgia and into Alabama. By almost one-quarter of all the cotton spindles in the United States were in the South, and Southern mills were expanding their operations more rapidly than were their well-established competitors in New England.

The development of lumbering in the South was even more impressive, though less publicized; by the end of the century the South led the nation in lumber production, contributing almost one-third of the annual supply. The geographic dispersal of industry was part of a movement that was converting the United States into an industrial nation. It attracted less attention, however, than the trend toward the consolidation of competing firms into large units capable of dominating an entire industry.

The movement toward consolidation received special attention in when Rockefeller and his associates organized the Standard Oil Trust under the laws of Ohio. A trust was a new type of industrial organization, in which the voting rights of a controlling number of shares of competing firms were entrusted to a small group of men, or trustees, who thus were able to prevent competition among the companies they controlled.

The stockholders presumably benefited through the larger dividends they received. For a few years the trust was a popular vehicle for the creation of monopolies, and by there were trusts in whiskey, lead, cottonseed oil, and salt. Standard Oil then reincorporated as a holding company under the more hospitable laws of New Jersey.

Thereafter, holding companies or outright mergers became the favourite forms for the creation of monopolies, though the term trust remained in the popular vocabulary as a common description of any monopoly. The best-known mergers of the period were those leading to the formation of the American Tobacco Company and the American Sugar Refining Company The latter was especially successful in stifling competition, for it quickly gained control of most of the sugar refined in the United States. Designed by Ribeyrolles [nb 1] this was a 6. A Darracq et Cie was sold as of 30 September the sale was not completed until the following year to an English company, A Darracq and Company Limited.

It was incorporated in England because French law made the necessary flotation processes more difficult than English law. They bought A Darracq et Cie and then sold it again to other investors for five times their purchase price.

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Darracq received slightly less than 50 percent of the shares in the new company. There was no public offering, eight other investors took up the rest of the shares. Further capital was raised and large sums were spent on factory expansion. The Suresnes site was expanded to some four acres in extent, and in England extensive premises were bought. The models abandoned flitch-plated wood chassis for pressed steel, and the new Flying Fifteen , powered by a 3-litre four, had its chassis made from a single sheet of steel.

There was nothing outstanding in its design but "every part was in such perfect balance and harmony" it became an outstanding model. But what was more important was they had many more orders than they could fill and the only solution was to enlarge the factory by as much as 50 per cent. At the following Annual meeting, twelve months later, the chairman was able to tell shareholders all the six speed records of the automobile world were held by Darracq cars and they had all been held more than twelve months and yet another had recently been added by K Lee Guinness.

Little Divergence: Evidence from Cotton Textiles in Japan and China 1868–1930

He also reported that during a large property had been bought in Lambeth for examining adjusting and stocking new cars ready for the peak sales period. An announcement followed two days later of a scheme of reconstitution of the company to raise more capital for further expansion. The reconstituted company was named A Darracq and Company Limited.

Paris resident Alexander Darracq remained managing director, Rawlinson was appointed managing director of the London branch. So the company was technically sold, they were paid out and obliged to buy new shares like anyone else. J S Smith-Winby continued as chairman.

Meanwhile there was a move towards building bigger cars and by there was one model with an Alexandre Darracq had long been interested in heavy vehicles for the carriage of people and the transport of goods.

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In April the directors found it necessary to formally deny rumours of M. Darracq's intention to resign noting his contract did not expire until September It proved disastrous to the marque, and eventually Alexandre Darracq retired. In late Alexandre Darracq was replaced by new managing director, chief engineer Paul Ribeyrolles , [12] one-time head of Darracq's Gladiator and, unlike Darracq, a motor racing enthusiast.

In June Darracq, surrounded by "new blood", resigned, he had already successfully speculated on then sold all his shares. By February shareholders had set up their own inquiry into the unsatisfactory position of their business and it reported poor co-operation between London and Suresnes, they had been pulling against each other, furthermore there had been considerable loss through "recent changes in personnel".

The chairman of the investigating committee, Norman Craig, was appointed chairman of A Darracq and Company The 16 HP Clegg-Darracq was joined by an equally reliable 2. A Darracq and Company Limited was now no more than a holder of shares in these two businesses. There would now be central buying selling administration and advertising departments all with S T D in Britain [22] All businesses retained their separate identities. In early S T D Motors went to the public to borrow funds amounting to around 15 per cent of its fully paid capital. Increased profits did not materialise and within five years the group's financial reserves were exhausted and plant and machinery was becoming obsolete and the group's products were becoming outmoded.

After certain undertakings were made to their bankers the company's preference shareholders received their dividend — in The financial problems of the s were thought to have been ended by a court-sanctioned financial reconstruction in June At that time the substantial accumulated losses were recognised and the ordinary capital chopped down to one-third of its value. Financial commentators could see that the only assets were shares in or loans to other companies making evaluation difficult.

The report's main criticism was the failure of the board to coordinate the members of the group. Much greater centralisation was recommended as well as standardisation.

Probably arriving at some sort of compromise with himself, he married Edith in England with little fanfare. In the end, Edith was a loving and supportive wife who bore Theodore five children. As Theodore's cousin Franklin once said, Edith was the only person on earth who could control her rambunctious husband. He resigned his office to fight with the famous Rough Rider regiment in the Spanish-American War which he helped to orchestrate.

He returned home a hero and was elected governor of New York. At the Republican convention of , Roosevelt found himself in a peculiar position. As governor he had rattled the cages of the machine politicians both in Albany and New York City. They were anxious to get him out of the way. Confident that he would be buried in the office of vice president, they planned to plant him there. Hanna considered Roosevelt almost a mad man, but Roosevelt's general popularity carried the day, and he joined McKinley on the ballot.

Far from being buried, however, TR ascended to the presidency within a year when McKinley was killed by an assassin. When he became president, the U. Capitalism had grown out of control throughout the last half of the nineteenth century, and reform was necessary. Workers were treated badly, slums in cities were horrific, and politics were rife with corruption. Roosevelt stepped in and helped to clean up the mess that had been created during the Gilded Age.

TR is equally well known for having made America a major player on the world stage. He pushed the U. Pursuing an aggressive foreign policy of intervention in the Caribbean and Central America, Roosevelt placed his own imprint on the Monroe Doctrine. See below.

Shop-floor culture in the Coventry motor industry, c– - Portsmouth Research Portal

As a devoted husband and father, TR enjoyed life immensely, but he was never so happy as when he was at the center of great events. Even reporters who disagreed with his policies found him eminently newsworthy. He was a great if flawed man, earned his place on Mount Rushmore, and began the transformation of the office of President of the United States into its modern, powerful position. The Man in the Arena. The following quotation from a speech given by Theodore Roosevelt at the Sorbonne in Paris on April 23, , shows the value he placed on personal leadership:.

The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes up short again and again, because there is no effort without error or shortcoming, but who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself for a worthy cause; who, at the best, knows, in the end, the triumph of high achievement, and who, at the worst, if he fails, at least he fails while daring greatly, so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who knew neither victory nor defeat.

Its effects touched virtually all Americans and transformed the role of government in American society. Although some areas of American life, namely, racial issues and women's rights, were neglected during the progressive age, the groundwork was laid for future reforms in those areas and others.

Labor violence, industrial accidents, foreign intrigues and cultural disturbances were felt by much of the American population, and big businesses still seemed to be controlling people's lives. Theodore Roosevelt did much to change the mood of Americans, but it was hard work. The Progressive Mood. We can get a sense of the oppressive atmosphere felt by many Americans at the start of the Progressive Era in the United States by referring to a famous poem written by Edwin Markham in , The Man with a Hoe.

The poem was widely published in newspapers throughout the United States and struck a sympathetic chord with many Americans. Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground, The emptiness of ages in his face, And on his back, the burden of the world. In the closing stanza the threat to the stability of the nation is vividly expressed:. How will the future reckon with this Man?

How answer his brute question in that hour When whirlwinds of rebellion shake all shores?

5.4. The Clifford Sifton Years, 1896–1905

How will it be with kingdoms and with kings— With those who shaped him to the thing he is— When this dumb Terror shall rise to judge the world, After the silence of the centuries? Markham later reflected on what he meant by the poem. In his introduction George observed:. It simply widens the gulf The march of invention has clothed mankind with powers of which a century ago the boldest imagination could not have dreamed. But in factories The promised land flies before us like the mirage.

See longer excerpt. America in As was noted above, Theodore Roosevelt was instrumental in guiding the nation toward participation in the conflict. His conduct in the war led to his election as governor of New York and then as vice president. In , his attention was fixed firmly on domestic issues. Apart from the harsh conditions for workers, living standards in had risen dramatically for the emerging Middle Class since the end of the Civil War.

The nation was spanned by railroads from coast to coast; American industry had outstripped virtually every other nation on the planet; agricultural production was stunning even as farmers found it difficult to prosper ; the country was well on its way to mass free public education, except in the most rural areas; and the freedoms of press and religion were understood and accepted by all. People had more leisure time for reading by , and the press—magazines and newspapers—became a significant force in shaping American life.

New forms of advertising and cheap, mass methods of production delivered information about the need for reform far and wide. Under the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and many other political and business leaders, the nation began to clean up its act. By hundreds of national, state and local laws had begun to make the cities cleaner and healthier, the workplace safer, and businessmen more considerate of their workers and customers.

Progressive reform also touched private institutions such as universities, hospitals, and even charitable or religious groups. Although politics remained a rough-and-tumble sport, steps were taken to clean up the political process, especially at the state and local level, and four constitutional amendments advanced progressive causes. Ironically the great material progress that had come with industrial advance and added to poverty made possible the Progressive Movement.

Worker productivity increased, even though the actual hours of work may have been reduced. For some businessmen such changes meant doing the right thing for the wrong reasons. Whatever the motives of the reformers, progress was made, and not a moment too soon.

The Progressive Era did not see the end of all social and other problems, nor were labor troubles put to rest, but it was a start. The Progressive Movement was a massive assault on the problems that plagued American life at the turn of the century. Their targets included working conditions such as hours, safety, wages and job security. They attacked abuses of the capitalist system in order to preserve it, rather than replace it with socialist alternatives. They addressed moral issues such as prostitution and alcohol abuse, which they saw as contributing to domestic violence. The progressives wanted better management of businesses and political entities such as cities and counties.

They wanted fairness in all things, although the progressives were less than aggressive in addressing civil rights for minorities, including Indians. The specific goals of the Progressives are listed in the summary outline below. The Progressive Movement succeeded because it had support from Republicans and Democrats, labor and management as well as American Middle Class.

The motives of the working classes were obvious. Workers themselves, sweating in the factories, on construction projects and doing other forms of wearisome labor, were in no position to begin a movement on their own behalf. They had in most cases neither the time nor the vision to be able to see their problems in larger perspective.

Those who did understood that their jobs might be threatened if they engaged in union-related activity. Reformers such as Henry George, however, and labor leaders like Eugene Debs, Samuel Gompers and others understood the problems of the working class and moved for reform. To the extent that laborers and workers joined unions, and to the extent that the working classes were able to perceive what was going on in the workplace, they naturally supported the Progressive Movement.

The violence that did erupt from time to time, such as in the great railroad strike of , the Homestead strike, and other disruptions, provided an impetus for those at higher levels to work to reform the capitalist system. Although the Progressive Movement did much to ameliorate the conditions under which many working people suffered, it would be wrong to believe that the violence was immediately quelled, or that working conditions improved overnight. The tragic Triangle Shirtwaist Company fire of led to the deaths of women, most of them immigrants, and was the worst workplace disaster in New York City until September 11, In immigrant textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, led by the Industrial Workers of the World, went on strike when their wages were lowered in response to a law shortening the work week.

The courage of the female workers, who were willing to brave frigid weather as well as police and militia in order to march on picket lines, led to the strike being identified as the "bread and roses" strike. The reference came from the poem and song of that name, which was sung by the women who were on strike.

In the early s, coal miners in West Virginia engaged in repeated conflicts with mine owners and their hired detectives in what became known as the West Virginia coal field wars. The violence in West Virginia continued off and on for several years; it was a continuation of the earlier struggles highlighted by Homestead and Haymarket incidents. Despite the best efforts of labor organizers and progressive leaders, the war between capital and labor continued unabated into the s and even beyond.

The Middle Class supported the Progressive Movement for reasons that were also fairly obvious. The Middle Class were prospering; they enjoyed comfortable incomes, lived in reasonably comfortable homes, enjoyed a certain amount of leisure time, and became aware of working conditions in America through newspaper and magazine articles written by muckraking journalists.

Although not always sympathetic to the plight of the working class, from which many Middle Class people had only recently escaped, those comfortable folks nevertheless realized that the system from which they benefited was threatened by the rumbling from below.

Thus for some middle-class Americans, the motivation for reform was anxiety, if not outright fear of revolution. Many others in the Middle Class, however, had more altruistic motives. They were often moved by the plight of the working poor, and realized that moral imperatives required reform, not only to protect the system but for the sake of humanity. On the other hand, the moralistic goals of the Progressives included such targets as alcoholism and prostitution, both of which were socially damaging and threatening to the stability of middle-class life.

They recognized the need for reform partly because of the attention to social and working conditions paid by sociologists and others. It is a well-known fact of business practice today that providing workers with benefits, rest periods, more comfortable working conditions and amenities leads to greater productivity and thus greater profits in the long term. While those motives may be seen as selfish, they were also enlightened to the extent that they made the lives of the working classes more tolerable.

Additionally, the proprietary or ownership class of businessmen also recognized that if reforms were not instituted from the top, they would certainly begin at the bottom, as had been demonstrated during the labor unrest of the late 19th century. Thus businessmen, who wanted most of all to preserve the capitalist system, eventually welcomed progressive reform.

One of the best examples of a businessman reformer was Henry Ford, a millionaire capitalist responsible for the assembly line and other major advances in automobile production. As the first entrepreneur to pay his workers five dollars a day, he led the movement for better conditions for workers. Rather than running the Ford Motor Company from an aloof position, he often wandered through production areas, asking workers how they were doing. Ford was no saint, but he was a leader in improving conditions for the working class.

In more modern times, courses at business schools have regularly addressed methods of keeping up worker morale in order to stimulate efficiency, covering everything from the color of paint on office walls to workplace amenities such as exercise rooms and lounges. Such benefits as day care assistance for working mothers and maternity or family leave for both wives and husbands are still regularly discussed in the media. The computer technology industry has been noted for its generous amenities provided for workers.

A large computer manufacturer in Texas, for example, realizing that high-tech workers often like to keep strange hours, holds its cafeteria in the assembly plant open 24 hours a day, seven days a week, even if only a handful of employees are present. Workers may work on the schedule of their own choosing. In many ways the progressive movement has never ended.

Similar kinds of motives were at work in the political arena. Those in positions of power at all levels saw their power threatened if the people became discontented. With information available through newspapers, magazines and books written by the muckraking journalists of the era, politicians recognized that American democracy was far from fully democratic.

Thus Constitutional amendments such as the direct election of senators and women's suffrage were products of the Progressive Era at the national level. At the state and local levels many kinds of reforms of the political system were instituted to give the people a greater voice in the democratic process. Their work, however, was not confined to magazine pieces. The CBS program 60 Minutes , for years a top-rated show, is a modern incarnation of muckraking journalism. Writers like Riis, Steffens and Ida Tarbell exposed fraud, waste, corruption and other evils in government and business, and they shined a light on poor social conditions, such as the slums of the cities.

They took on bossism, profiteering, child labor, public health and safety, prostitution, alcohol, political corruption and almost every aspect of public and even private life. They achieved some spectacular successes at virtually every level, from supporting child labor laws across the country to four constitutional amendments: direct election of Senators, women's suffrage, prohibition of alcohol and the income tax. For all the good they did, however, the muckrakers often had more problems to present than they had solutions to solve them.

Assuming that she would write a favorable account, Standard Oil officials gave her free access to their activities and records. The result was a series of articles, eventually published as a book in , The History of the Standard Oil Company. It was a devastating account of the ruthless practices of Rockefeller and his minions that helped lead to the breakup of the company in an antitrust suit in The work was later cited near the top of the list of the best books of the twentieth century. Later in her career she wrote a number of books about issues of concern to women, which supported the early feminist movement as women struggled for the right to vote.

Evidence that the phenomenon is not dead can often be seen at checkout counters in retail establishments today. Progressive Targets. Progressives attacked a broad range of issues, and many hundreds of local laws and ordinances were passed, changing the social and political landscape of America. Liberals of the Jeffersonian Era saw government as a threat to liberty. By contrast, progressives believed that broadening the role of government would advance the welfare of its citizens by protecting them from business abuses.

Government, instead of being the problem, was a major part of the solution. As the Populists had recognized during the s and s, the problems generated by the industrial era touched virtually every aspect of American life. The scope of the reforms necessary to reverse the degradation of American life, therefore, had to be instituted at all levels of society.

The nation had become far too vast and complex for any reform movement that concentrated solely on a single aspect of the social and political structure to remain successful. Political Reform. In the political arena Progressives wanted good government at all levels, and among their more notable achievements were the aforementioned direct election of Senators and women's suffrage. But good government meant more than expanded democracy, or honesty in public officials.

Progressives wanted aggressive, proactive government that foresaw problems and acted to prevent calamities before they occurred. Thus they demanded safety legislation, closer regulation of public health issues and better management of things like public utilities. They also sought to make government more efficient, so that the taxpayer got what he was paying for. If Americans did not have good government, said the Progressives, then they had only themselves to blame. The Progressives were activists, generally impatient, sometimes overzealous, but rarely satisfied until they had achieved a good portion of their goals.

Thus reforms had to start at the local level, and the cities came first. Political hacks, previously rewarded with jobs for political activity with no proof of their competence, were replaced by professional civil service workers who made the system run. With this change, administrative officials within city governments were no longer as subject to changes in the political winds. Instead of elected officials running everything, boards of commissioners and professional city and county managers were employed to provide stability and expertise as governing became ever more complicated.

Local governments were also encouraged to adopt scientific management techniques. The growth of city infrastructures, including public transportation, utilities and sanitation, could not be successfully managed by careless mishandling of funds or wasteful practices. Progressives also maintained that governments at different levels had to learn to cooperate.

Officials at the city, county, township and state level needed to agree on the locus of boundaries of overlapping areas of jurisdiction. Recognizing the need for professional guidance and tackling local problems, elected local officials built coalitions, using university professors, engineers and other experts as advisors, and they often reached out to businessmen to cooperate in reform efforts for the public good. The Wisconsin plan of Robert La Follette, discussed below, is an example. Taxation was made fairer, and the practice of requiring kickbacks from political employees was exposed.

Progressives pushed for greater involvement by government in public affairs. They hoped it would improve public services, build schools, facilitate loans, construct roads, beef up conservation and sanitation efforts, and advance such causes as public health, welfare, care of handicapped, farm aid, regulation or limitation of child labor, mandatory school attendance, and transportation safety. As liberalism, the core of progressive philosophy, moved toward the embrace of government as a protector of individual freedom, progressives wanted to make sure that government faithfully represented the will of the people.

In order to give the citizenry more say in government affairs, the processes of initiative, referendum and recall were introduced.